NYC Chinatown: A Community Safeguarding Space
1970s-1990s: Early Stage Community Activism
In the mid-20th century, NYC’s Chinatown underwent significant changes that reshaped its housing landscape. The repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 and subsequent immigration reforms in the 1960s led to a population boom, straining the already limited housing supply. As gentrification pressures mounted in the 1970s and 1980s, real estate developers began to show increased interest in the area, threatening the affordability and character of the neighborhood.
In response to these challenges, community organizations emerged to fight for affordable housing and tenants’ rights. Asian Americans for Equality (AAFE), founded in 1974, became a prominent force in this struggle. Originally formed to advocate for worker rights when a private developer refused to hire Asian workers for the government-funded Confucius Plaza construction project, AAFE expanded its mission to address housing issues.¹ In 1985, following a devastating fire in a Chinatown tenement that killed two elderly tenants and left 125 residents homeless, AAFE became the first group in New York City to utilize low-income housing tax credits to develop affordable housing. Their first project, Equality House, included 59 apartments at 176 Eldridge St.¹ Throughout the late 1980s and 1990s, AAFE continued to preserve and create hundreds of affordable housing units across Chinatown and the Lower East Side.
Early 2000s: Gentrification Accelerates
In the early 2000s, the housing crisis in NYC’s Chinatown became increasingly dire, as gentrification spread to low-income residential areas. The Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence (CAAAV) held a press conference at the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association to announce the establishment of the Manhattan Chinese Tenants Association. This association aimed to combat the displacement of low-income Chinese residents, who were paying most of their wages for rent while living in dilapidated conditions.
On July 27, 2000, the Chinatown Justice Project, a youth-led initiative of CAAAV, released a groundbreaking report highlighting the worsening living conditions in Chinatown, where high rents and low wages force many residents into overcrowded housing. The survey of 100 residents revealed that 50% face monthly rents between $600 and $1000, while the average yearly income is just $17,100, leading to 40% to 70% of income being spent on rent.¹ Over one-third lived in 1-2 bedroom apartments with six or more people. 58% lacked hot water, 42% had plumbing problems, 37% lacked adequate heat. As a result, the Chinese population declined by 17% between 2000-2010. Overcrowding is rampant, with over half of the units housing five or more people, and many tenants paying exorbitant "key money" fees and dealing with neglected maintenance issues like no hot water, plumbing problems, and lack of heat.¹ Youth organizer JingJing Lin emphasized, "Many people blame new immigrants as the cause of Chinatown's housing problems, especially overcrowding, but our research shows otherwise."¹ The report highlighted that the high rent-to-wage ratio, not overpopulation, was the primary cause of apartment overcrowding.¹
Several factors contribute to these conditions, including a high influx of new immigrants and the arrival of high-tech companies attracting wealthier residents who were often white, compounded with insufficient government support for low-income housing.¹ Luxury condos began replacing affordable housing and local businesses faced closure due to rising rents. Chinatown faced increasing pressure from gentrification and these changes threatened the cultural fabric and affordability of the neighborhood, sparking community resistance.
2005: Chinatown Tenants Union Founded
In response to the growing housing crisis, CAAAV established the Chinatown Tenants Union (CTU). This grassroots organization aimed to protect low-income tenants from gentrification and displacement through organizing residents, launching direct action campaigns and building alliances with other organizations. CTU quickly became a powerful voice for Chinatown residents facing housing insecurity.¹
2007: “New York is Our Home” Rally
Chinatown residents joined a citywide coalition called New York is Our Home! to demand protections for Section 8 housing and limits on rent increases for vulnerable residents, including the elderly and those living with HIV/AIDS.¹ South Bronx community organization MOM (Mothers on the Move) activist Paulette New explained, “I don't want to say it's always about money, but it's always about the money.... The landlords keep the tenants uninformed, and then they take advantage of the tenants who don't know their rights."¹
2008: “Chinatown Community Struggle” Exhibition
On August 24, 2008, CAAAV youth members created an exhibit in Sara Roosevelt Park. This powerful display highlighted the history of gentrification since the 1970s, mass evictions of residents, and the rise of condo developments that threatened public housing.¹ The exhibition demonstrated how young activists were taking the initiative of community organizing and education.
2009: 55 Delancey Street Struggle
The purchase of 55 Delancey Street by Madison Capital exemplified the challenges facing Chinatown residents. The investment firm described the tenement building as an “underperforming” property ripe for “repositioning,” as an excuse to raise rents and attract wealthier tenants.¹
Longtime resident and CAAAV housing organizer Zhi Qi Zheng observed, “The changes are incredible—rents are going up all the time and landlords are trying to evict us whatever way they can."¹ Zheng, who had immigrated to the U.S. thirty years prior and raised four children in Chinatown, became a tireless advocate for tenants’ rights.
2010: Tensions Rise as Gentrification Intensifies
A Village Voice article titled “When Hipsters Move in on Chinese: It's Ugly” highlighted the growing tensions between immigrant residents and non-immigrant newcomers.¹ As wealthier tenants moved into renovated units, long-time residents faced neglect and harassment from landlords eager to push them out and new residents who showed little interest in them. New renter Hannah Lavon, a graphic designer, said “I'm sorry it’s [gentrification] happening, but—I like the apartment."¹
2011: Mother’s Day March for Housing Justice
On May 8, 2011, CAAAV organized a powerful Mother’s Day march through Chinatown, composed of mainly CTU and Chinatown Justice Project members. The event highlighted women’s long-standing commitment to housing organizing in New York City and CAAAV's embrace of “motherwork” as a framework for activism.¹ Marchers stopped at buildings where tenants faced landlord neglect and harassment, including 11 Allen Street, 54 Eldridge Street, and 55 Delancey Street. CAAAV housing organizer Esther Wang told reporters, “Pretty much every day we have someone coming to us with a new story of a landlord harassing them."¹
2012: Hurricane Sandy Reveals Resource Inequalities
When Hurricane Sandy struck New York in October 2012, it laid bare the stark inequalities of resource allocation in NYC. Chinatown residents struggled without power or basic supplies, while nearby Wall Street quickly recovered. CAAAV’s office became a hub for community aid. Executive director Helena Wong observed, “Income and race have a lot to do with the situation that we’re in. I went by Wall Street last night and all the lights were on, the buildings were empty, there were Christmas lights on the trees and it was absolutely crazy because we had just left here [Chinatown] and it was pitch black."¹
2013-2015: CTU Wins Rent Freeze
The NYC Comptroller's office reported a 13% decline in Asian residents in Chinatown and the Lower East Side between 2000-2015.¹ Unsurprisingly, this trend reflected the ongoing displacement of long-time residents due to rising rents and changing neighborhood demographics. In 2013, nearly 12 percent of businesses in Manhattan’s Chinatown were classified as “high-end” including over 150 new clothing boutiques and upscale restaurants.¹
As rent soared, CAAAV advocated for the rights of low-income tenants to stay in their homes and neighborhoods. In 2015, CTU joined forces with other tenant organizations to secure the first rent freeze in 46 years. CTU tenant leaders testified at the Rent Guidelines Board hearing, arguing that rents should not increase when the quality of living for low-income tenants had not improved. This rent freeze impacted 2.5 million rent-stabilized tenants and represented a significant step toward making the city more affordable for poor and working-class New Yorkers. CTU then won a second rent freeze in 2016.¹
2015: CAAAV Releases Report on Language Access in Public Housing
In 2015, CAAAV in partnership with the Community Development Project at the Urban Justice Center, conducted an extensive survey of over 200 residents across 14 public housing developments. The resulting report focused on the experiences of limited English proficient (LEP) Asian tenants in New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) buildings:¹
- NYCHA was not fully implementing its existing language access policies
- Even if fully implemented, current policies fell short of meeting Asian tenants' needs
- LEP tenants faced significant challenges in communicating with NYCHA for essential services (Repairs, rental payment issues, emergency information)
The report highlighted how language barriers could lead to serious consequences:
- Incorrect rent increases resulting in housing court appearances
- Missed work due to repeated attempts to communicate needs
- Inability to request emergency housing transfers for domestic violence victims
- Safety issues due to miscommunication in the repairs process
- Lack of access to crucial emergency protocols
CAAAV used this report as a foundation for ongoing advocacy work in public housing, framing it within the broader struggle for affordable housing and humane living conditions. The timing of the report coincided with Mayor de Blasio’s announcement of the “NextGeneration NYCHA” plan, providing an opportunity to push for improved language access services as part of NYCHA’s reform efforts.
2016-2022: Community Resistance Against Luxury Development
In 2016, Chinatown and the Two Bridges neighborhood faced an unprecedented challenge when developers proposed the largest new development in New York City on the Two Bridges waterfront. The plan included three luxury mega-towers, each nearly 100 stories high, that would introduce 2,775 units of new housing into the neighborhood.¹ Over 75% of these units were designated as market-rate, making them accessible only to investors and the ultra-wealthy.
In response to this threat, CAAAV and its coalition partners developed the Two Bridges Community Plan (TBCP), a grassroots vision for the waterfront that aimed to protect the existing working-class communities. This plan, filed as a rezoning application with the Department of City Planning (DCP) in 2017, proposed limiting the height of new developments and mandating that over 50% of new housing be deeply affordable.¹ The TBCP was designed to curtail speculative development and give the community more control over neighborhood changes. It represented a key piece of the broader Chinatown Working Group recommendations for land use, which CAAAV had been advocating for many years.¹
Despite years of valiant efforts to pass the TBCP, the Department of City Planning rejected the plan in late 2022. DCP claimed that the community’s proposal would prevent the building of affordable housing, prioritizing the small number of pseudo-affordable units in the luxury towers over truly accessible housing for working-class residents.¹
Although the campaign did not achieve its primary goal, it significantly strengthened the commitment, scale, and skills of CAAAV’s membership. The fight against luxury development and for affordable housing in Chinatown continues, with the organization and its members more prepared than ever to advocate for their vision of an inclusive and accessible neighborhood.
A key part of organizing for housing justice in Chinatown has been making long-time residents' poor living conditions visible, and exposing the greed of landlords who allow their buildings to fall into disrepair while rents continue to rise. One example of the struggle with poor housing conditions is the story of Elder Chen Zhongkeng, who lived at 100 Madison Street. Chen had rented a three-bedroom, one-living-room unit on the fourth floor for thirteen years. Despite paying “tea money” (an informal and often undocumented bribe) of 4,000 CNY upon moving in, his landlord denied receiving this payment and sought to evict him. Chen faced numerous challenges, including being taken to court for not paying July rent after the landlord had initially told him he didn't need to pay it.¹
Chen described the deplorable living conditions: “The house had been dilapidated for more than ten years and had never been renovated. I even had to pay for hot water myself, and heating was only available for a few hours a day in the winter. When the water pipes broke, the gas leaked, the toilet was damaged, the windows were broken, and the landlord never repaired them in time. Now even the garbage cans have been moved indoors, and rats, cockroaches, and flies are rampant."¹
Despite these conditions, the landlord used various tactics to force out low-income tenants, such as claiming they breached the contract by subletting or paying rent late. Chen noted, “The landlord forced old tenants to move out with excuses like the tenant had breached the contract by subletting the house, insisting that they were late in paying rent or evicting the tenant because he wanted to sell the house."¹ After the tenants on the first and second floors moved out, the landlord immediately rented out the units at double the previous price, making his intentions clear.
Chinatown Tenants Union member, Li Lingdi, emphasized the need for unity: “The struggle between low-income tenants and landlords has just begun, and the conflict cannot be resolved quickly. Chinese tenants cannot be taken advantage of by landlords. Everyone must unite to attract the attention of the community and the government."¹
CAAAV's youth program was crucial in raising awareness and educating the public on tenants' rights. They conducted extensive surveys, revealing that many residents faced similar issues to Chen's. The program also organized creative initiatives, such as performing plays and screening videos to highlight landlords' tactics and the tenants' plight. Chen Yihang, a member of the youth program, expressed hope that their efforts would influence city council candidates to propose effective solutions: “We hope that the publicity can make candidates for city councilors that were present sympathize with us so that they can propose effective solutions after being elected in the future.”¹
In Chinatown, tenant activism among youth gained momentum, with individuals like 18-year-old Fenzhen Nie working for CAAAV leading the charge. Nie, who immigrated from China, now lives in a cramped one-bedroom apartment on Mulberry Street with her family. Nie and her peers have observed a disturbing trend in which landlords exhibit discriminatory practices based on the race and economic status of their tenants.¹ The phrase “a different face for a different race” was used to describe how landlords present themselves differently to tenants depending on their race. This phenomenon persists even when the landlords themselves are Asian, suggesting that the primary motive is economic gain rather than racial solidarity. Nie explains that Chinese landlords, like others, are inclined to favor white tenants who are able to pay higher rents, thus contributing to gentrification and the displacement of long-time residents.¹
An example of this disparity is evident in a building on Ludlow Street, where new tenants are charged $1800 for renovated apartments that previously rented to Chinese tenants for $730. This pattern is widespread, with similar situations occurring on Mott, Mulberry, and Orchard streets, where Chinese tenants typically pay between $600 and $1000. These cases highlight that class is as significant a factor as race, if not more so, in the discriminatory practices observed by the CAAAV activists.¹ The increased rents and improved living conditions for wealthier, often white tenants, starkly contrast the neglected and overpriced apartments rented to lower-income, predominantly Chinese families. This economic and racial discrimination underscores the urgent need for equitable housing policies to address the systemic inequalities affecting Chinatown residents. Dan Liu of CAAAV’s youth program emphasized the need to protect low-income tenants, stating, "Chinatown was built by the poor, and belongs to the poor. We should protect low-income tenants in Chinatown."¹
Gentrification in New York City is a complex phenomenon that goes beyond a simple narrative of a “white invasion.” Many investors behind new developments are overseas Chinese, reflecting China’s dramatically changed global position over the last half-century.¹ Chinatowns around the world are no longer populated exclusively by poor, struggling immigrants.
Former garment factories that once employed immigrants have been converted into doctors’ offices and gyms, while contemporary art galleries have replaced supermarkets, bakeries and herbal medicine shops, paying significantly higher rents. Since 2015, 40% of all new galleries in the city have opened up in Chinatown, outpacing Chelsea, Bushwick, the Upper East Side, and other areas with art scenes. Many galleries are clustered along Delancey, Orchard, Eldridge, Rivington, and Chrystie Streets, contributing to real estate speculation, increasing rents, and massive displacement of existing residents and small businesses.¹
Peter Kwong, a professor at Hunter College, believes many Chinatowns have lost their vibrancy as immigrant communities due to the scattering of working-class Chinese and the lack of jobs.¹ However, New York City’s Chinatown remains an exception due to its job base. Kwong emphasizes that rezoning and tenant protection laws are crucial to stopping displacement. The Chinatown Working Group, a coalition of over 50 organizations, has developed a rezoning plan to restrict building heights, create anti-harassment laws, increase affordable housing, and protect small businesses. Despite the Department of City Planning’s rejection, advocates continue to hold demonstrations to highlight the issue.¹
In 2024, for the third consecutive year, over two million tenants in NYC are facing rent increases—2.75% on one-year leases and 5.25% on two-year leases—thanks to decisions made by Mayor Eric Adams’ Rent Guidelines Board (RGB).¹ This means that the RGB has sanctioned more than a 9% rent hike on nearly one-third of tenants across NYC over the past three years, while landlords have steadily increased profits. Mayor Adams refers to this as a “sweet spot” between tenants and organized landlords, but it is clear that this is simply “business as usual” for an RGB accountable only to a pro-real estate mayor.¹
This year marks the 50th anniversary of rent stabilization, a policy hard-fought for and won by the tenant movement. Rent stabilization remains a battleground between working-class and immigrant tenants and the real estate industry. The fight will not be over until rent stabilization is fully controlled by working people, immigrants, and communities of color.
The current housing crisis is manufactured by real estate greed. When tenants fight back, the city often responds by arresting organizers. Recently, tenants across NYC joined forces to block the entrance of the Real Estate Board of New York (REBNY), which has spent millions of dollars influencing elected officials to weaken rent stabilization and block tenant protections statewide.¹
During the protest, working-class and immigrant tenants stood their ground despite attempts by REBNY's representatives and NYPD officers to break up the picket. Even as organizers from Housing Justice for All and NYC Public Advocate Jumaane Williams were arrested, the resolve of the protesters remained unshaken. Youth leaders energized the movement with chants, and elder leaders continued the picket despite harsh weather conditions.¹
The current system siphons rent money and treats homes and neighborhoods like piggy banks. The organized money of real estate is essentially stolen wealth. In contrast, the tenant movement has organized people and a vision: New York for the people, not for profit.
Chinatown's struggles are part of a larger housing crisis affecting New York City, pointing to the growing inequality in the city and the urgent need for affordable housing solutions:
- In 2013, the top 5% of New Yorkers had a mean income of $436,931, while the poverty rate increased to 21.2%
- The waiting list for public housing eclipsed the number of available NYCHA apartments
- Women-led households make up a disproportionate number of public housing residents and those living in poverty
The Right to the City
CAAAV and other housing rights organizations have embraced the concept of the "Right to the City," as defined by famous urban studies theorist David Harvey:
¹"The right to the city is far more than the individual liberty to access urban resources: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city.... [T]his transformation inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power to reshape the processes of urbanization. The freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves is... one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights."
This framework positions housing as a human right and challenges the commodification of urban space.
Despite immense challenges, Chinatown residents continue to fight for their right to remain in their homes and community. Through grassroots organizing, coalition-building, and direct action, they resist displacement and work to preserve Chinatown as a vibrant, diverse neighborhood for generations to come.
The story of Chinatown's housing struggles is one of resilience, community power, and the ongoing fight for equity in an increasingly unequal city. It highlights the role of intergenerational leadership in these battles, and the importance of understanding housing issues through an intersectional lens that considers race, class, gender, and immigration status.
As Zhi Qi Zheng's powerful statement reminds us: "This is a home. Why should money make me move?"¹ This question continues to drive the movement for housing justice in Chinatown and beyond, challenging us all to envision and fight for a more equitable urban future.
Asian Americans for Equality. "Our History." Asian Americans for Equality, last modified May 25, 2023. https://www.aafe.org/our-history/.
CAAAV. “Chinatown Disappearing……Not Easy to Live In: Low Wages, High Rents.” CAAAV Digital Archive, July 28, 2000.
—"Chinatown Tenants Union." CAAAV, last modified 2024. https://caaav.org/our-work/programs/chinatown-tenants-union.
—“Help Low-Income Tenants Resist Bad Landlords: Committee Against Anti-Asian Violence Establishes Chinese Tenants Association.” CAAAV Digital Archive, last modified August 20, 2001.
—"No Access." CAAAV, last modified September 2015. https://caaav.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/CAAAV-full-housing-report-v11-HIGH-RES.pdf.
—"Recent Campaigns." CAAAV, last modified 2024. https://caaav.org/our-work/recent-campaigns.
—“Tower & Tenements Civics Lesson: Chinatown Youths Learn Tenant Activism.” CAAAV Digital Archive, last modified August 8, 2000.
Dwoskin, Elizabeth. "When Hipsters Move in on Chinese: It’s Ugly." The Village Voice, April 20, 2010. https://www.villagevoice.com/when-hipsters-move-in-on-chinese-its-ugly/.
Hung, Melissa. "Chinatowns Across The Country Face Off With Gentrification." NPR, March 15, 2017. https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2017/03/15/515792846/chinatowns-across-the-country-face-off-with-gentrification.
Lim, Audrea. "Beyond Canal Street: Gentrification in Chinatown." Frieze, July 19, 2021. https://www.frieze.com/article/beyond-canal-street-gentrification-chinatown.
Rotramel, Ariella. "Housing Struggles from Chinatown to the South Bronx." In Pushing Back: Women of Color–Led Grassroots Activism in New York City. University of Georgia Press, 2020.
Wong, Diane. “Shop Talk and Everyday Sites of Resistance to Gentrification in Manhattan’s Chinatown.” Women’s Studies Quarterly 47, no. 1 & 2 (2019). https://www.jstor.org/stable/26734049.